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What Was Rutherford B Hayes Position On Civil Service Reform

Written By Thursday, May 26, 2022 Add Comment Edit

U.Due south. presidential administration from 1877 to 1881

Rutherford B. Hayes
Presidency of Rutherford B. Hayes
March four, 1877 – March four, 1881
Chiffonier See listing
Political party Republican
Election 1876
Seat White Firm

← Ulysses South. Grant

James A. Garfield →

PresidentHayesInvitationCOA.png

Presidential Coat of Arms
(1877–1913)
Library website

The presidency of Rutherford B. Hayes began on March 4, 1877, when Rutherford B. Hayes was inaugurated as President of the United States, and ended on March four, 1881. Hayes became the 19th president, after being awarded the closely contested 1876 presidential election past Republicans in Congress who agreed to the Compromise of 1877. That Compromise promised to pull federal troops out of the South, thus ending Reconstruction. He refused to seek re-ballot and was succeeded past James A. Garfield, a fellow Republican and ally.

In general he was a moderate and a pragmatist. He kept the hope to withdraw the last federal troops from the S, every bit Democrats took command of the concluding three Republican states. A paragon of honesty, he sponsored civil service reform, where he challenged the patronage hungry Republican politicians. Though he failed to enact long-term reform, he helped generate public support for the eventual passage of the Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act in 1883. The Republican Party in the Southward grew steadily weaker as his efforts to support the civil rights of blacks in the South were largely stymied by Democrats in Congress.

Insisting that maintenance of the gilt standard was essential to economic recovery, he opposed Greenbacks (paper money non backed by gold or silver) and vetoed the Bland–Allison Act that called for more silver in the money supply. Congress overrode his veto, but Hayes'due south monetary policy forged a compromise betwixt inflationists and advocates of hard money. He used federal troops charily to avoid violence in the Great Railroad Strike of 1877, i of the largest labor strikes in U.S. history. It marked the finish of the economical depression chosen the "Panic of 1873". Prosperity marked the remainder of his term. His policy toward Native Americans emphasized minimizing fraud. He continued Grant's "peace program" and predictable the assimilationist program of the Dawes Act of 1887. In foreign policy, he was a moderate who took few initiatives. He unsuccessfully opposed the De Lesseps plan for building a Panama Canal, which he idea should be an American simply program, Hayes asserted U.South. influence in Latin America and the standing primacy of the Monroe Doctrine. Polls of historians and political scientists mostly rank Hayes equally an boilerplate president.

Ballot of 1876 [edit]

Nomination and general election [edit]

Sepia-toned picture of two men; one bearded, one clean-shaven

Hayes-Wheeler campaign poster

With the retirement of President Ulysses Due south. Grant later 2 terms, the Republicans had to settle on a new candidate for the 1876 election. Hayes'due south success as Governor of Ohio elevated him to the top ranks of Republican politicians under consideration for the presidency, aslope James G. Blaine of Maine, Senator Oliver P. Morton of Indiana, and Senator Roscoe Conkling of New York.[i] The Ohio delegation to the 1876 Republican National Convention was united behind Hayes, and Senator John Sherman did all in his ability to aid the nomination of his fellow Ohioan.[2] In June 1876, the Republican National Convention assembled in Hayes's hometown of Cincinnati, with Blaine as the favorite.[3] Hayes placed fifth on the get-go ballot of the convention, backside Blaine, Morton, Secretary of the Treasury Benjamin Bristow, and Conkling. Afterward six ballots, Blaine remained in the atomic number 82, merely on the seventh ballot, Blaine'due south adversaries rallied around Hayes, granting him the presidential nomination.[4] For the vice presidency, the convention selected Representative William A. Wheeler, a man well-nigh whom Hayes had recently asked, "I am ashamed to say: who is Wheeler?"[five]

Hayes's views were largely in accord with the party platform, which called for equal rights regardless of race or gender, a continuation of Reconstruction, the prohibition of public funding for sectarian schools, and the resumption of specie payments. Hayes's nomination was well received by the printing, with even Democratic papers describing Hayes every bit honest and likable.[six] In a public letter accepting the nomination, Hayes vowed to support civil service reform and pledged to serve for only 1 term.[7] The Democratic nominee was Samuel J. Tilden, the Governor of New York. Tilden was mostly considered to be a formidable adversary and, like Hayes, he had a reputation for honesty.[8] Besides, similar Hayes, Tilden was a hard-money human being and supported civil service reform.[eight] In accordance with the custom of the fourth dimension, the campaign was conducted by surrogates, with Hayes and Tilden remaining in their corresponding home towns.[9]

The poor economical weather condition following the Panic of 1873, combined with various Republican scandals, fabricated the party in ability unpopular, and Hayes personally believed that he might lose the election.[10] Both candidates focused their attention on the swing states of New York and Indiana, besides as the three Southern states—Louisiana, South Carolina, and Florida—where Reconstruction governments still barely ruled amid recurring political violence.[11] The Republicans emphasized the danger of letting Democrats run the nation so soon after the Civil State of war, which they claimed had been provoked past southern Democrats. To a bottom extent, they besides campaigned on the danger a Democratic administration would pose to the recently won civil rights of Southern blacks.[12] Democrats, for their part, trumpeted Tilden's tape of reform and contrasted it with the corruption of the incumbent Grant administration.[thirteen] The election was marred by violence in the South, as Redeemers sought to suppress the black vote.[xiv]

Post-ballot dispute [edit]

Equally the returns were tallied on election day, it was clear that the race was close: while Hayes had won much of the Due north, Tilden had carried most of the S, as well equally New York, Indiana, Connecticut, and New Bailiwick of jersey.[15] On November 11, three days after election day, the nineteen balloter votes of Florida, Louisiana, and Southward Carolina were still in doubt. Tilden had won states with a collective total of 184 electoral votes, one brusk of a majority, while Hayes had won states with 166 electoral votes.[sixteen] Republicans and Democrats each claimed victory in the 3 disputed states, but the results in those states were rendered uncertain because of fraud past both parties.[17] To farther complicate matters, one of the three electors from Oregon (a country Hayes had won) was disqualified, reducing Hayes'south total to 165, and raising the disputed votes to 20.[xviii] [a] If Tilden was awarded just one of the disputed electoral votes, he would become president, while a Hayes victory would require him to win all twenty of the disputed votes. With no clear victor in the election, the possibility of mass disorder hung over a state that remained deeply divided in the aftermath of the Civil State of war.[14]

A map of the United States showing electoral results in 1876

Results of the 1876 election, with states won by Hayes in crimson, and those won by Tilden in bluish

There was considerable debate about which person or house of Congress was authorized to decide between the competing slates of electors, with the Republican Senate and the Democratic Business firm each claiming priority.[20] By January 1877, with the question still unresolved, Congress and President Grant agreed to submit the matter to a bipartisan Electoral Commission, which would be authorized to decide the fate of the disputed electoral votes.[21] The Commission was to exist made up of 5 representatives, five senators, and 5 Supreme Courtroom justices.[22] To ensure partisan residue, there would be seven Democrats and 7 Republicans, with Justice David Davis, an independent respected by both parties, as the fifteenth member.[22] The residue was upset when Democrats in the Illinois legislature elected Davis to the Senate, hoping to sway his vote; Davis disappointed Democrats by after refusing to serve on the Electoral Commission[23] As all of the remaining Justices were Republicans, Justice Joseph P. Bradley, believed to be the most independent-minded of them, was selected to take Davis's place on the Commission.[24] The Commission met in February and the viii Republicans voted to laurels all 20 balloter votes to Hayes.[25]

Despite the Commission's holding, Democrats could still block certification of the election by refusing to convene the Firm.[26] Equally the March 4 inauguration day neared, Republican and Democratic Congressional leaders met at Wormley'due south Hotel in Washington and negotiated a compromise settlement. Republicans promised concessions in substitution for Democratic acquiescence in the Committee's decision. The main concessions Hayes promised were the withdrawal of federal troops from the South and an acceptance of the election of Democratic governments in the remaining "unredeemed" states of the South.[27] Democrats accepted the compromise, and Hayes was certified as the winner of the ballot on March 2.[28]

Inauguration [edit]

Considering March 4, 1877 fell on a Sunday, Hayes took the oath of office privately on Sat, March 3, in the Red Room of the White House, becoming the commencement president to practise so in the Executive Mansion. He took the oath publicly on the following Monday on the East Portico of the The states Capitol.[29] In his inaugural address, Hayes attempted to soothe the passions of the past few months, saying that "he serves his party all-time who serves his state all-time".[xxx] He pledged to back up "wise, honest, and peaceful local self-regime" in the South, too as reform of the civil service and a total render to the golden standard.[31] Despite his bulletin of conciliation, many Democrats never considered Hayes'due south election legitimate and referred to him equally "Rutherfraud" or "His Fraudulency" for the adjacent four years.[32]

Administration [edit]

Chiffonier [edit]

The Hayes Cabinet
Part Proper name Term
President Rutherford B. Hayes 1877–1881
Vice President William A. Wheeler 1877–1881
Secretary of State William M. Evarts 1877–1881
Secretary of the Treasury John Sherman 1877–1881
Secretary of War George W. McCrary 1877–1879
Alexander Ramsey 1879–1881
Attorney General Charles Devens 1877–1881
Postmaster General David M. Key 1877–1880
Horace Maynard 1880–1881
Secretarial assistant of the Navy Richard Westward. Thompson 1877–1880
Nathan Goff Jr. 1881
Secretary of the Interior Carl Schurz 1877–1881

Several men sitting around a table

In choosing the members of his chiffonier, Hayes spurned Radical Republicans in favor of moderates, and also disregarded anyone whom he considered a potential presidential contender. He chose William M. Evarts, who had defended President Andrew Johnson against impeachment, as Secretary of State. George W. McCrary, who had helped institute the Electoral Commission of 1877, became Secretarial assistant of War. Carl Schurz, who had supported the Liberal Republican ticket in 1872, was selected as Secretarial assistant of the Interior. In an effort to achieve out to Southern moderates, Hayes selected David M. Key, a quondam Confederate soldier, to serve as Postmaster General. Senator John Sherman, a close ally and currency bug expert, became Secretarial assistant of the Treasury, while Richard Westward. Thompson was selected as Secretarial assistant of the Navy to advantage Oliver P. Morton for the latter'south support at the 1876 Republican National Convention. The Schurz and Evarts nominations alienated both the Stalwart and the Half-Breed factions of the Republican Political party, but Hayes's initial chiffonier selections won confirmation in the Senate with the help of some Southern Senators.[33]

Lemonade Lucy and the dry White House [edit]

Hayes and his married woman Lucy were known for their policy of keeping an alcohol-gratuitous White Firm, giving rise to her nickname "Lemonade Lucy."[34] The kickoff reception at the Hayes White House included wine,[35] but Hayes was dismayed at drunken behavior at receptions hosted by ambassadors around Washington.[36] Subsequently the offset reception, alcohol was not served over again in the Hayes White House. Critics charged Hayes with parsimony, simply Hayes spent more than coin (which came out of his personal budget) later the ban, ordering that any savings from eliminating alcohol be used on more lavish amusement.[37] His temperance policy also paid political dividends, strengthening his support amidst Protestant ministers.[36] Although Secretary Evarts quipped that at the White House dinners, "h2o flowed like wine," the policy was a success in convincing prohibitionists to vote Republican.[38]

Judicial appointments [edit]

Black-and-white photograph of a bearded man

Stanley Matthews's confirmation to the Supreme Court was more than difficult than Hayes expected.

Hayes appointed ii associate justices to the Supreme Court. The first Supreme Courtroom vacancy arose later on David Davis resigned during the election controversy of 1876. On taking office, Hayes filled the vacancy caused by Davis's resignation by appointing John Marshall Harlan, a close marry of Benjamin Bristow.[39] Hayes submitted the nomination in October 1877, simply the nomination aroused some dissent in the Senate because of Harlan's express feel in public role.[39] Harlan was nonetheless confirmed and served on the court for thirty-iv years, in which he voted (usually in the minority) for an ambitious enforcement of civil rights laws.[39] In 1880, a second seat became vacant upon the resignation of Justice William Potent. Hayes nominated William Burnham Woods, a carpetbagger Republican circuit court gauge from Alabama.[40] Wood served vi years on the Courtroom, ultimately proving a disappointment to Hayes every bit he interpreted the Constitution in a way more similar to that of Southern Democrats than to Hayes's own preferences.[41]

Hayes attempted, unsuccessfully, to fill up a third vacancy in 1881. Justice Noah Haynes Swayne resigned with the expectation that Hayes would fill his seat by appointing Stanley Matthews, who was a friend of both men.[42] Many Senators objected to the appointment, believing that Matthews was too close to corporate and railroad interests, especially those of Jay Gould.[43] The Senate adjourned without voting on the nomination,[42] but newly-elected President James A. Garfield re-submitted Matthews'due south nomination to the Senate, and Matthews was confirmed by a i vote margin.[42] Matthews served for eight years until his death in 1889. His opinion in Yick Wo v. Hopkins in 1886 avant-garde his and Hayes' views on the protection of ethnic minorities' rights.[44]

In improver to his Supreme Court appointments, Hayes appointed four judges to the The states excursion courts and sixteen judges to the United States district courts.

End of Reconstruction [edit]

Withdrawal from the Southward [edit]

When Hayes assumed part, only two Reconstruction governments remained, in S Carolina and Louisiana. Hayes had been a firm supporter of Republican Reconstruction policies throughout his political career, merely the starting time major human activity of his presidency was to end Reconstruction and return the South to "home dominion." In South Carolina, Hayes withdrew federal soldiers on April ten, 1877, later on Governor Wade Hampton III promised to respect the ceremonious rights of African Americans. In Louisiana, Hayes appointed a committee to mediate between the rival governments of Republican Stephen B. Packard and Democrat Francis T. Nicholls. The commission chose to back up Nicholls's government, and Hayes ended Reconstruction in Louisiana, and the country as a whole, on April 20, 1877.[45]

Some Republicans, such as Blaine, strongly criticized the end of Reconstruction.[46] However, even without the conditions of the disputed 1876 election, Hayes would take been hard-pressed to continue the policies of his predecessors. The House of Representatives in the 45th Congress was controlled by the Autonomous Party, and the Democrats refused to appropriate enough funds for the ground forces to continue to garrison the South.[47] Even among Republicans, devotion to continued military Reconstruction was fading in the face of persistent Southern insurgency and violence.[48]

Voting Rights [edit]

Democrats consolidated their control in the South in the 1878 mid-term elections, creating a voting bloc known as the Solid South. Just three of the 73 Representatives elected by the former Amalgamated states were members of the Republican Party. Democrats also took command of the Senate in the 1878 elections, and the new Democratic Congress immediately sought to strip abroad the remaining federal influence in the South.[49]

The Autonomous Congress passed an army appropriations bill in 1879 with a passenger that repealed the Enforcement Acts, which had been used to suppress the Ku Klux Klan.[50] Those acts, passed during Reconstruction, made it a crime to prevent someone from voting because of his race. Hayes was determined to preserve the law protecting black voters, and he vetoed the cribbing. The Democrats did not have enough votes to override the veto, but they passed a new beak with the aforementioned rider. Hayes vetoed this besides, and the process was repeated three times more than. Finally, Hayes signed an cribbing without the offensive passenger.[51] Congress refused to pass another beak to fund federal marshals, who were vital to the enforcement of the Enforcement Acts.[50] The election laws remained in effect, though the funds to enforce them were curtailed.[52] Hayes's stiff stance against the Autonomous attempts to repeal the ballot laws earned him the support of civil rights advocates in the North and additional his popularity among some Republicans who had been alienated by his ceremonious service reform efforts.[53] [50]

Hayes tried to reconcile the social mores of the South with the civil rights laws by distributing patronage among Southern Democrats. "My chore was to wipe out the colour line, to abolish sectionalism, to finish the war and bring peace," he wrote in his diary. "To practise this, I was ready to resort to unusual measures and to risk my own standing and reputation within my party and the country."[54] He also sought to build upwards a stiff Republican Party in the South that appealed to both whites and blacks.[55] All of his efforts were in vain; Hayes failed to convince the South to accept the idea of racial equality and failed to convince Congress to appropriate funds to enforce the civil rights laws.[56] In the ensuing years and decades, African Americans would exist almost completely disenfranchised.[57]

National leadership [edit]

In the aftermath of the 1876 presidential election, power in national politics was very closely balanced. The Senate in 1877 independent 39 Republicans, 36 Democrats, and one independent, while the Democrats controlled the Firm of Representatives by the slim margin of 153 to 140. There were very few troublemakers or demagogues on either side equally both parties saw the need to compromise and relax the heightened political tensions post-obit the 1876 ballot.[58] The economy had now recovered from the harsh depression that ended in 1873, and the nation welcomed economical expansion, farm prosperity, and the entrepreneurship that was building great industries such every bit iron and steel and petroleum. Historian Richard White nearly recently has emphasized the "Quest for Prosperity" that characterized the Gilded Age after Reconstruction ended.[59]

Civil service reform [edit]

Cartoon of one man kicking another out of a building

Afterward ending Reconstruction, Hayes turned to the issue of civil service reform.[60] Instead of giving federal jobs to political supporters or the favorites of powerful members of Congress, Hayes favored engagement based on performance in civil service examinations.[61] To evidence his delivery to reform, Hayes asked Secretarial assistant of the Interior Schurz and Secretarial assistant of Land Evarts to atomic number 82 a special cabinet commission charged with drawing upwards new rules for federal appointments.[62] Senators of both parties who were accepted to being consulted about political appointments turned against Hayes. Hayes'southward efforts for reform brought him into conflict with the Stalwart, or pro-spoils, branch of the Republican political party, led by Senator Roscoe Conkling of New York.[63] Treasury Secretarial assistant Sherman ordered John Jay to investigate the New York Custom House, which was stacked with Conkling's spoilsmen.[61] Jay's report suggested that the New York Custom House was so overstaffed with political appointees and that xx percent of the employees were expendable.[64]

With Congress unwilling to take action on civil service reform, Hayes issued an executive guild that forbade federal office holders from existence required to brand campaign contributions or otherwise taking role in party politics.[64] Chester A. Arthur, the Collector of the Port of New York, and his subordinates Alonzo B. Cornell and George H. Sharpe, all Conkling supporters, refused to obey the president's social club.[64] In September 1877, Hayes demanded the iii men's resignations, which they refused to give. He submitted appointments of Theodore Roosevelt Sr., L. Bradford Prince, and Edwin Merritt—all supporters of Secretarial assistant of State Evarts, Conkling's New York rival—to the Senate for confirmation equally their replacements.[65] The Senate Commerce Committee, which Conkling chaired, voted unanimously to reject the nominees, and the full Senate rejected Roosevelt and Prince by a vote of 31–25, confirming Merritt just because Sharpe'south term had expired.[66] Hayes was forced to look until July 1878 when, during a Congressional recess, he sacked Arthur and Cornell and replaced them with recess appointments of Merritt and Silas W. Burt, respectively.[67] [b] Conkling opposed the appointees' confirmation when the Senate reconvened in February 1879, simply Merritt was approved by a vote of 31–25, every bit was Burt by a 31–nineteen vote, giving Hayes his most significant civil service reform victory.[69]

For the remainder of his term, Hayes pressed Congress to enact permanent reform legislation and fund the United States Civil Service Commission, even using his last annual message to Congress in 1880 to entreatment for reform. While reform legislation did not pass during Hayes's presidency, his advocacy provided the "political impetus" for the 1883 passage of the Pendleton Ceremonious Service Reform Act.[seventy] Hayes allowed some exceptions to the ban on assessments, permitting George Congdon Gorham, secretary of the Republican Congressional Committee, to solicit campaign contributions from federal office-holders during the Congressional elections of 1878.[71] In 1880, Hayes chop-chop forced Secretary of Navy Richard Westward. Thompson to resign role subsequently Thompson had accustomed a $25,000 salary for a nominal job offered by French engineer Ferdinand de Lesseps to promote a French canal in Panama.[72]

Hayes besides dealt with corruption in the postal service. In 1880, Schurz and Senator John A. Logan asked Hayes to shut down the "star route" rings, a system of corrupt contract profiteering in the Mail, and to burn Second Assistant Postmaster-General Thomas J. Brady, the alleged ring leader.[73] Hayes stopped granting new star route contracts, merely allow existing contracts proceed to exist enforced.[74] Democrats defendant Hayes of delaying proper investigation so as not to hurt Republican chances in the 1880 elections but did not printing the issue in their campaign literature, as members of both parties were implicated in the corruption.[73] Historian Hans 50. Trefousse writes that the president "inappreciably knew the chief suspect [Brady] and certainly had no connection with the [star route] corruption."[75] Although Hayes and the Congress both investigated the contracts and found no compelling evidence of wrongdoing, Brady and others were indicted for conspiracy in 1882. After ii trials, the defendants were found not guilty in 1883.[76]

1877 railroad strike [edit]

A burning building

Called-for of Union Depot, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, July 21–22, 1877

In his start year in role, Hayes was faced with the Great Railroad Strike of 1877, the largest labor disturbance up to that indicate in U.Southward. history.[77] In guild to make up for financial losses suffered since the Panic of 1873, the major railroads had cutting their employees' wages several times.[78] The Pennsylvania Railroad, one of the largest railroads, reduced the average worker's pay by approximately 25% betwixt 1873 and 1877, and the railroad too imposed longer hours and stricter managerial command.[79] In July 1877, workers from the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad walked off the job in Martinsburg, W Virginia, to protest their reduction in pay.[80] The strike quickly spread to workers of the New York Central, Erie, and Pennsylvania railroads, with the strikers soon numbering in the thousands.[81] In many communities, friends and family members of the railroad workers also became involved in the strike, and strike leaders struggled to control crowds.[82] Fearing a riot, Governor Henry M. Mathews asked Hayes to ship federal troops to Martinsburg, and Hayes did so, merely when the troops arrived there was no anarchism, only a peaceful protest.[83] In Baltimore, however, a riot did erupt on July xx and Hayes ordered the troops at Fort McHenry to assist the governor in its suppression.[81]

Pittsburgh next exploded into riots, but Hayes was reluctant to send in troops without the governor start requesting them.[81] Other discontented citizens joined the railroad workers in rioting.[84] Later on a few days, Hayes resolved to send in troops to protect federal property wherever it appeared to be threatened and gave Major General Winfield Scott Hancock overall command of the situation.[81] The riot spread to Chicago and St. Louis, where the Workingmen'due south Party organized a cursory general strike.[85] Every bit the rioting spread, some began to fright a nationwide radical revolution inspired by the Paris Commune.[86] This fright did non come to pass, as by the terminate of July 1877, state, local, and federal authorities had brought the labor disturbances to an cease.[87] Although no federal troops had killed whatever of the strikers, or been killed themselves, clashes between state militia troops and strikers resulted in deaths on both sides.[88]

The railroads were victorious in the brusk term, as the workers returned to their jobs and some wage cuts remained in effect. But the public blamed the railroads for the strikes and violence, and the railroads were compelled to amend working conditions and make no farther cuts.[89] Business leaders praised Hayes, merely his own opinion was more than equivocal; as he recorded in his diary: "The strikes have been put down by force; only now for the real remedy. Can't something [be] done by education of strikers, by judicious command of capitalists, by wise general policy to end or diminish the evil? The railroad strikers, as a rule, are good men, sober, intelligent, and industrious."[90] [91] Hayes was the first president to deploy the U.South. Army to intervene in a labor dispute in united states.[92] [c] In response to the strike and the deployment of federal soldiers, Congress passed the Posse Comitatus Deed, which limits the utilise of armed services personnel in resolving domestic disturbances.[94]

Women'south Rights [edit]

The suffragette movement had been growing for many years prior to the presidency of Hayes. Although the outcome of suffrage would not exist resolved during the Hayes'due south tenure, another, albeit smaller issue would exist. Prior to Hayes' ascension, a Belva Lockwood had attempted to be admitted to the supreme court bar. [95] She had been rejected, non on grounds of merit or qualification, merely due to her sexual practice. She appealed to members of congress for legislation that, if enacted, would remove this type of barrier and let for qualified women to submit and contend cases before the Supreme Court. [96] Afterward much debate, in 1879, congress passed, and Hayes signed into law the Act to Relieve Sure Legal Disabilities of Women, popularly known as the Lockwood Beak. Lockwood would go on to argue a number of cases in front of the court, and win one in 1906. [96]

Indian policy [edit]

An 1881 political cartoon well-nigh Carl Schurz's management of the Indian Bureau

Interior Secretarial assistant Schurz carried out Hayes'southward American Indian policy, beginning with preventing the War Section from taking over the Agency of Indian Affairs.[97] Hayes and Schurz carried out a policy that included assimilation into white culture, educational training, and dividing Indian state into private household allotments.[98] Hayes believed that his policies would pb to self-sufficiency and peace between Indians and whites.[99] The allocation system was favored by liberal reformers at the time, including Schurz, only instead proved detrimental to American Indians. They lost much of their state through afterwards sales to unscrupulous white speculators.[100] Hayes and Schurz reformed the Agency of Indian Affairs to reduce fraud and gave Indians responsibility for policing their understaffed reservations.[101]

Hayes dealt with several conflicts with Indian tribes. The Nez Perce, led by Chief Joseph, began an insurgence in June 1877 when Major Full general Oliver O. Howard ordered them to motility on to a reservation.[102] Howard's men defeated the Nez Perce in battle, and the tribe began a 1700-mile retreat into Canada.[102] In Oct, after a decisive boxing at Bear Mitt, Montana, Chief Joseph surrendered and General William T. Sherman ordered the tribe transported to Kansas, where they were forced to remain until 1885.[103] The Nez Perce state of war was not the last conflict in the Due west, as the Bannock rose upwards in Spring 1878 and raided nearby settlements before being defeated past Howard'southward army in July of that yr.[97] War with the Ute tribe broke out in 1879 when the Utes killed Indian agent Nathan Meeker, who had been attempting to catechumen them to Christianity.[104] The subsequent White River War ended when Schurz negotiated peace with the Ute and prevented the white Coloradans from taking revenge for Meeker's death.[104]

Hayes as well became involved in resolving the removal of the Ponca tribe from Nebraska to Indian Territory (present-day Oklahoma) because of a misunderstanding during the Grant Administration.[105] The tribe'south problems came to Hayes's attention subsequently their chief, Standing Bear, filed a lawsuit to contest Schurz's need that they stay in Indian Territory. Overruling Schurz, Hayes set up upwardly a commission in 1880 that ruled Ponca were free to return to Nebraska or stay on their reservation in Indian Territory.[105] The Ponca were awarded bounty for their state rights, which had been previously granted to the Sioux.[105] In a message to Congress in February 1881, Hayes insisted he would "requite to these injured people that measure of redress which is required alike by justice and past humanity."[106]

Finance and economics [edit]

Currency debate [edit]

Black-and-white photograph of a man, seated

Treasury Secretarial assistant John Sherman worked with Hayes to render the country to the gold standard.

The Coinage Deed of 1873 had stopped the coinage of silver for all coins worth a dollar or more, finer tying the dollar to the value of gold. Equally a consequence, the coin supply contracted and the effects of the Panic of 1873 grew worse, making it more than expensive for debtors to pay debts they had contracted when currency was less valuable.[107] Farmers and laborers, especially, clamored for the render of coinage in both metals, believing the increased money supply would restore wages and property values.[108] Democratic Representative Richard P. Bland of Missouri proposed a neb that would require the United States to coin as much silver as miners could sell to the government, thus increasing the money supply and aiding debtors.[109] William B. Allison, a Republican from Iowa offered an amendment in the Senate limiting the coinage to two to four meg dollars per calendar month, and the resulting Banal–Allison Human action passed both houses of Congress in 1878.[109]

Hayes feared that the Bland–Allison Human action would cause inflation that would be ruinous to business, finer impairing contracts that were based on the golden dollar, equally the silverish dollar proposed in the bill would have an intrinsic value of xc to 92 percent of the existing gold dollar.[110] Farther, Hayes believed that inflating the currency was an act of dishonesty, maxim "[e]xpediency and justice both demand an honest currency."[110] He vetoed the beak, but Congress overrode his veto, the only time information technology did so during his presidency.[109] Every bit the Bland–Allison Act gave the president discretion in determining the number of silver coins minted, Hayes limited the effect of the act by authorizing the coining of just a relatively small number of silvery coins.[111]

During the Civil War, the federal government had issued U.s. Notes (commonly called greenbacks), a grade of fiat currency. The government accustomed these notes equally valid for payment of taxes and tariffs, but unlike ordinary dollars, they were non redeemable in gold.[109] The Specie Payment Resumption Act of 1875 required the treasury to redeem any outstanding greenbacks in aureate, thus retiring them from circulation and restoring the aureate standard.[109] Hayes and Secretarial assistant of the Treasury Sherman both back up a restoration of the gold standard, and the Hayes administration stockpiled gold in preparation for the exchange of greenbacks for gold.[110] Once the public was confident that they could redeem greenbacks for specie (gilt), however, few did then; when the human action took effect in 1879, only $130,000 out of the $346,000,000 outstanding dollars in greenbacks were really redeemed.[112] Together with the Bland–Allison Act, the successful specie resumption effected a workable compromise between inflationists and hard coin men. As the earth economic system began to improve, agitation for more than greenbacks and argent coinage quieted down for the rest of Hayes's term in office.[113]

Pensions and tariffs [edit]

In 1861, Congress had significantly raised tariffs with the passage of the Morrill Tariff, which funded the Civil War and too protected American industries similar iron and steel. The high rates of the Morrill Tariff remained in effect in the 1870s, leading to a federal budgetary surplus. Though the tariff was politically popular in the industrialized Northeast, information technology had many detractors in the South and Midwest, as loftier tariff rates led to higher prices. Seeking to shore up the tariff'due south popularity, Senator Henry Due west. Blair proposed the Arrears Act, which Hayes signed in 1879. The Arrears Human action expanded the pension arrangement designed to benefit Union Civil War veterans past making pension payments retroactive to a soldier's discharge or death rather than the date of their application. In practice, this meant sending large checks to veterans and their families, and pension disbursements doubled betwixt 1879 and 1881. The act proved extremely popular outside of the South and spread back up for Republicans and high tariff rates.[114]

Foreign affairs [edit]

Panamanian Culvert [edit]

the Us ( Columbia) rejects De Lesseps plan for a French-owned Panama Canal. By Thomas Nast, April 10, 1880, Harper'southward Weekly

A Chinese man sitting outside a locked gate

A political cartoon from 1882, criticizing Chinese exclusion

Hayes was perturbed over the plans of Ferdinand de Lesseps, the architect of the Suez Canal, to construct a canal across the Isthmus of Panama, which was and then owned by Colombia. Concerned almost a repetition of French adventurism in Mexico, Hayes interpreted the Monroe Doctrine firmly. In a bulletin to Congress, Hayes explained his stance on the canal: "The policy of this country is a canal under American control ... The United States cannot consent to the surrender of this control to any European power or any combination of European powers."[115] De Lesseps went ahead anyway, raised very large sums, and began structure. Disease ravaged his workforce, and his project collapsed in corruption and incompetence.[ citation needed ]

United mexican states [edit]

Throughout the 1870s, "lawless bands" often crossed the Mexican border on raids into Texas.[116] 3 months afterwards taking office, Hayes granted the Army the power to pursue bandits, fifty-fifty if it required crossing into Mexican territory.[116] Porfirio Díaz, the Mexican president, protested the social club and sent troops to the edge.[116] The state of affairs calmed as Díaz and Hayes agreed to jointly pursue bandits and Hayes agreed not to allow Mexican revolutionaries to enhance armies in the United States.[117] The violence along the border decreased, and in 1880 Hayes revoked the order allowing pursuit into Mexico.[118]

Chinese clearing [edit]

The Hayes administration gave significant attention to U.S.–China relations as Chinese immigration became a contentious outcome during Hayes's presidency. In 1868, the Senate had ratified the Burlingame Treaty with Cathay, allowing an unrestricted flow of Chinese immigrants into the state. As the economy soured after the Panic of 1873, Chinese immigrants were blamed for depressing workmen's wages.[119] During the Great Railroad Strike of 1877, anti-Chinese riots broke out in San Francisco, and a third party, the Workingman'southward Party, was formed with an emphasis on stopping Chinese immigration.[119] In response, Congress passed a measure, the "Fifteen Passenger Bill" in 1879, aimed at limiting the number of Chinese passengers permitted on vessels arriving at U.S. ports.[120] As the legislation would violate the terms of the Burlingame Treaty, Hayes, believing that the United States should not unilaterally abrogate treaties, vetoed it.[121] The veto drew praise among eastern liberals, but Hayes was bitterly denounced in the West.[121] In the subsequent furor, Democrats in the House of Representatives attempted to impeach him, but narrowly failed when Republicans prevented a quorum past refusing to vote.[122] After the veto, Assistant Secretary of Country Frederick W. Seward and James Burrill Angell negotiated with the Chinese to reduce the number of Chinese immigrants.[122] The resulting accordance, the Angell Treaty of 1880, allowed the U.Southward. to append Chinese immigration, which Congress did (after Hayes left role) with the Chinese Exclusion Human activity of 1882.[120] [122]

Other issues [edit]

In 1878, following the Paraguayan War, the president arbitrated a territorial dispute between Argentina and Paraguay.[123] Hayes awarded the disputed land in the Gran Chaco region to Paraguay, and the Paraguayans honored him past renaming a metropolis (Villa Hayes) and a department as (Presidente Hayes) in his honor.[123] The administration sought friendly relations with the major European powers, though not to the detriment of the Monroe Doctrine. Hayes upheld the Treaty of Washington, ending the dispute with United kingdom of great britain and northern ireland caused past the Alabama Claims.[123] He refused the annexation request of Samoa, instead establishing a de facto tripartite protectorate with Great United kingdom of great britain and northern ireland and Frg.[124]

Concluding yr in office [edit]

Western tour, 1880 [edit]

In 1880, Hayes embarked on a 71-twenty-four hours tour of the American West, becoming the first sitting President to travel w of the Rocky Mountains. Hayes' traveling party included his wife and General William Tecumseh Sherman, who helped organize the trip. Hayes began his trip in September 1880, departing from Chicago on the transcontinental railroad. He journeyed across the continent, ultimately arriving in California, stopping starting time in Wyoming and and then Utah and Nevada, reaching Sacramento and San Francisco. By railroad and stagecoach, the party traveled north to Oregon, arriving in Portland, and from there to Vancouver, Washington. Going by steamship, they visited Seattle, and then returned to San Francisco. Hayes then toured several southwestern states before returning to Ohio in November, in time to cast a vote in the 1880 presidential election.[125]

1880 presidential election [edit]

Republican James Garfield defeated Democrat Winfield Scott Hancock in the 1880 election

Although some Republicans urged Hayes to run for a second term, he was looking forwards to retirement, and so stuck to his 1876 hope to serve only one term.[126] When Republicans convened in June 1880, in Chicago, the fight for the nomination stood between former President Grant and Senator James Blaine. Congressman James A. Garfield, caput of the Ohio delegation and chairman of the Convention Rules Committee, backed Treasury Secretary John Sherman.[127] Elihu B. Washburne, George F. Edmunds, and William Windom as well emerged as potential nominees. The convention deadlocked through thirty-three ballots, with Grant leading, followed by Blaine and Sherman. On the thirty-fourth election, Garfield received sixteen votes from Wisconsin, and Blaine and Sherman backers switched their support to Garfield on subsequent ballots. On the thirty-sixth ballot, Garfield won 399 votes to Grant's 306, putting him over the top and giving him the Republican nomination.[127] The convention nominated Chester A. Arthur, the former port collector of New York, to serve as Garfield's running mate. Hayes was pleased with the ticket, which provided a balance between One-half-Breeds and Stalwarts, and he appreciated the convention's endorsement of his presidency.[128]

The 1880 Autonomous National Convention met in June and nominated General Winfield Scott Hancock. With the Democrats firmly in control of the South, a Republican victory would require strong performances in the Northern swing states of Indiana, Ohio, New Jersey, New York, and Connecticut. The Republican Party campaigned on their support for universal manhood suffrage and argued that Republican policies had led to economic prosperity. Though Hancock swept the South and won about of the Far West, Garfield won the election past dominating the Northeast and the Midwest.[129] Garfield won an extremely narrow pop vote plurality, with a margin of less than 0.i%. James B. Weaver of the Greenback Party took over three% of the popular vote.[128] In the weeks following Garfield's election, Hayes and Garfield worked with each other to assure a smoothen transition of ability.[130]

Historical reputation [edit]

Historian Ari Hoogenboom argues that Hayes was a shrewd politician and a "patient reformer who attempted what was possible." Hoogenboom contends that Hayes's nigh serious mistake was choosing not to run for 2d term, which would take allowed Hayes to more fully implement his agenda.[131] Historian Keith Polakoff basically agrees with Hoogenboom. Hayes accepted the presidency equally a personal honor, not equally a challenge to introduce new policies. He worked to at-home crises, including Reconstruction and the smashing 1877 railroad strike. Efficiency was his watchword and was the goal of the chief reform he promoted, replacing patronage appointees with ceremonious service professionals. However he did not work hard plenty to reach information technology against the forces of political party patronage. He gave his cabinet wide elbowroom, and did not interfere or guide their major activities. Hayes frequently clashed with Congress to protect presidential prerogatives, but that was passive activity that led to nothing new. He did take credit for helping elect his former friend James Garfield every bit his successor.[132] Kenneth Davison emphasizes how hard he worked Hayes, peculiarly through long speaking tours, to promote national unity and an end to sectional and class and racial conflicts of the sort that had generated so much hatred and violence for the previous two decades.[133]

Polls of historians and political scientists take generally ranked Hayes equally a below-average president. A 2018 poll of the American Political Science Association'due south Presidents and Executive Politics department ranked Hayes as the 28th best president.[134] A 2017 C-Bridge poll of historians ranked Hayes equally the 32nd best president.[135]

Notes [edit]

  1. ^ The elector, John W. Watts, was disqualified considering he held "an Office of Trust or Profit under the United states", in violation of Article Ii, department 1, clause 2 of the U.Southward. Constitution.[19]
  2. ^ Charles G. Graham filled Merritt's former position.[68]
  3. ^ The U.S. Army had previously been deployed to intervene in labor disputes in the territories.[93]

References [edit]

  1. ^ Trefousse, p. 62-66.
  2. ^ Hoogenboom, pp. 260–261; Robinson, p. 57.
  3. ^ Hoogenboom, pp. 262–263; Robinson, pp. 53–55.
  4. ^ Trefousse, p. 66-68.
  5. ^ Hoogenboom, p. 260; Robinson, p. 63.
  6. ^ Trefousse, p. 68-69.
  7. ^ Trefousse, p. 70-71.
  8. ^ a b Robinson, pp. 64–68, 90–95.
  9. ^ Robinson, pp. 97–98.
  10. ^ Trefousse, p. 71.
  11. ^ Trefousse, p. 72–73; Robinson, pp. 113–114.
  12. ^ Hoogenboom, pp. 269–271.
  13. ^ Robinson, pp. 99–102.
  14. ^ a b White, p. 330–331.
  15. ^ Trefousse, p. 74.
  16. ^ Robinson, pp. 126–127.
  17. ^ Robinson, pp. 131–142; Hoogenboom, pp. 277–279.
  18. ^ Robinson, pp. 127–128.
  19. ^ Hoogenboom, p. 279.
  20. ^ Robinson, pp. 145–154; Hoogenboom, pp. 281–286.
  21. ^ Robinson, p. 157.
  22. ^ a b Robinson, p. 158.
  23. ^ Hoogenboom, p. 286.
  24. ^ Robinson, pp. 159–161.
  25. ^ Robinson, pp. 166–171.
  26. ^ White, p. 331–332.
  27. ^ Robinson, pp. 182–184; Foner, pp. 580–581.
  28. ^ Robinson, pp. 185–189; Foner, pp. 581–587.
  29. ^ Hoogenboom, pp. 295–297.
  30. ^ Trefousse, pp. 85–86.
  31. ^ Hoogenboom, pp. 298–299.
  32. ^ Barnard, pp. 402–403.
  33. ^ Trefousse, p. 87-88.
  34. ^ Hoogenboom, p. 3; Davison, p. xv.
  35. ^ Davison, p. 82; Barnard, p. 480.
  36. ^ a b Hoogenboom, p. 384.
  37. ^ Hoogenboom, p. 385–386; Barnard, p. 480.
  38. ^ Hoogenboom, p. 458.
  39. ^ a b c Davison, pp. 130–132.
  40. ^ Davison, p. 132; Hoogenboom, p. 454.
  41. ^ Barnard, pp. 268, 498.
  42. ^ a b c Davison, p. 129.
  43. ^ Barnard, pp. 498–499.
  44. ^ Hoogenboom, p. 457.
  45. ^ Trefousse, pp. 90–93.
  46. ^ Trefousse, pp. 92–93.
  47. ^ Hoogenboom, pp. 304–307; Foner, pp. 580–583; Davison, p. 142.
  48. ^ Davison, p. 138.
  49. ^ White, pp. 361–362.
  50. ^ a b c Davison, pp. 162–163; Hoogenboom, pp. 392–402; Richardson, p. 161.
  51. ^ Frank P. Vazzano, "President Hayes, Congress and the Appropriations Riders Vetoes." Congress & the Presidency 20#ane (1993)
  52. ^ Hoogenboom, p. 402.
  53. ^ Trefousse, pp. 114–115.
  54. ^ Barnard, p. 418.
  55. ^ White, p. 335.
  56. ^ Hoogenboom, pp. 317–318.
  57. ^ White, p. 335–336.
  58. ^ Davison, pp. 122–124.
  59. ^ Richard White (2017). The Democracy for Which It Stands: The United States during Reconstruction and the Aureate Age, 1865-1896. p. 368. ISBN9780190619060.
  60. ^ Trefousse, pp. 93–94.
  61. ^ a b Hoogenboom, pp. 318–319.
  62. ^ Paul, p. 71.
  63. ^ Davison, p. 164–165.
  64. ^ a b c Hoogenboom, pp. 322–325; Davison, pp. 164–165; Trefousse, pp. 95–96.
  65. ^ Hoogenboom, p. 352; Trefousse, pp. 95–96.
  66. ^ Hoogenboom, pp. 353–355; Trefousse, pp. 100–101.
  67. ^ Hoogenboom, pp. 370–371.
  68. ^ Hoogenboom, p. 370.
  69. ^ Hoogenboom, pp. 382–384; Barnard, p. 456.
  70. ^ Paul, pp. 73–74.
  71. ^ Sproat, pp. 165–166.
  72. ^ Sproat, pp. 169–170.
  73. ^ a b Klotsche, pp. 409–411.
  74. ^ Hoogenboom, pp. 439–440.
  75. ^ Trefousse, p. 144.
  76. ^ Klotsche, pp. 414–416.
  77. ^ Foner, p. 583; Stowell, pp. 1–2; Richardson, p. 121.
  78. ^ Hoogenboom, pp. 326–327.
  79. ^ White, pp. 345–346.
  80. ^ Bruce, pp. 75–77; Stowell, p. 117.
  81. ^ a b c d Hoogenboom, pp. 328–333; Davison, pp. 145–153; Barnard, pp. 445–447.
  82. ^ White, pp. 346–347.
  83. ^ Bruce, pp. 93–94.
  84. ^ Stowell, pp. 116–127; Hoogenboom, p. 328.
  85. ^ White, pp. 352–353.
  86. ^ White, pp. 351–352.
  87. ^ White, pp. 353–355.
  88. ^ Davison, pp. 148–150; Trefousse, p. 95.
  89. ^ Hoogenboom, p. 334; Davison, pp. 152–153.
  90. ^ Barnard, pp. 446–447.
  91. ^ Hayes, Rutherford B. (1924). Williams, Charles Richard (ed.). Diary and letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes (4 vols.).
  92. ^ White, pp. 347–348.
  93. ^ White, p. 347.
  94. ^ White, pp. 356.
  95. ^ Bomboy, Scott (February 15, 2021). "On this day, women first allowed to contend Supreme Courtroom cases". Constitution Center . Retrieved July twenty, 2021. {{cite web}}: CS1 maint: url-status (link)
  96. ^ a b "Belva Lockwood: Becoming a Lawyer". Supreme Court of the U.s.a.. {{cite web}}: CS1 maint: url-status (link)
  97. ^ a b Davison, pp. 184–185.
  98. ^ Trefousse, p. 109; Davison, pp. 186–187.
  99. ^ Hoogenboom, pp. 341–343, 449–450.
  100. ^ Stuart, pp. 452–454.
  101. ^ Hoogenboom, pp. 343–344, 449.
  102. ^ a b Hoogenboom, pp. 338–340.
  103. ^ Hoogenboom, pp. 340–341.
  104. ^ a b Trefousse, p. 123.
  105. ^ a b c Hoogenboom, pp. 450–454; Sproat, p. 173.
  106. ^ Trefousse, p. 124.
  107. ^ Hoogenboom, p. 356.
  108. ^ Unger, p. 358.
  109. ^ a b c d due east Davison, pp. 176–177.
  110. ^ a b c Hoogenboom, pp. 358–360.
  111. ^ White, pp. 369–370.
  112. ^ Trefousse, p. 107.
  113. ^ Davison, pp. 177–180.
  114. ^ White, pp. 371–374.
  115. ^ Hoogenboom, pp. 417–421; Barnard, p. 442.
  116. ^ a b c Hoogenboom, p. 335; Barnard, p. 443.
  117. ^ Hoogenboom, p. 337; Barnard, p. 444.
  118. ^ Hoogenboom, p. 338.
  119. ^ a b Hoogenboom, p. 387.
  120. ^ a b Bodenner, Christ (February 6, 2013) [October xx, 2006]. "Chinese Exclusion Act" (PDF). Issues & Controversies in American History. Infobase Publishing. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2015-09-06. Retrieved Apr 19, 2017.
  121. ^ a b Hoogenboom, pp. 388–389; Barnard, pp. 447–449.
  122. ^ a b c Hoogenboom, pp. 390–391.
  123. ^ a b c Hoogenboom, p. 416.
  124. ^ Trefousse, pp. 108, 124–125.
  125. ^ Loftus, David. "Rutherford B. Hayes's visit to Oregon, 1880". The Oregon Encyclopedia . Retrieved 17 February 2016.
  126. ^ Trefousse, pp. 115–116.
  127. ^ a b "James A. Garfield: Campaigns and Elections". Miller Eye of Public Affairs, Academy of Virginia. Retrieved February nineteen, 2017.
  128. ^ a b Trefousse, pp. 120–123.
  129. ^ White, pp. 402–404.
  130. ^ Trefousse, pp. 126–127.
  131. ^ Hoogenboom, Ari. "RUTHERFORD B. HAYES: IMPACT AND LEGACY". Miller Center . Retrieved four December 2017.
  132. ^ Keith Ian Polakoff, "Rutherford B. Hayes" in Henry F. Graff. ed. The Presidents: A Reference History (3rd ed. 2002) pp 261-72 online
  133. ^ Kenneth Due east. Davison, The Presidency of Rutherford B. Hayes (1972) pp 210-23.
  134. ^ Rottinghaus, Brandon; Vaughn, Justin South. (nineteen February 2018). "How Does Trump Stack Upwardly Against the All-time — and Worst — Presidents?". New York Times . Retrieved 14 May 2018.
  135. ^ "Presidential Historians Survey 2017". C-Bridge . Retrieved xiv May 2018.

Bibliography [edit]

Books [edit]

  • Barnard, Harry (2005) [1954]. Rutherford Hayes and his America. Newtown, Connecticut: American Political Biography Press. ISBN978-0-945707-05-nine.
  • Bruce, Robert Five. (1989) [1959]. 1877: Year of Violence. Ivan R. Dee, Publisher. ISBN978-0-929587-05-9.
  • Burgess, John William. The administration of President Hayes (1916); 155pp online gratuitous
  • Conwell, Russell (1876). Life and public services of Gov. Rutherford B. Hayes. Boston: B. B. Russell.
  • Davison, Kenneth E. (1972). The Presidency of Rutherford B. Hayes . Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. ISBN978-0-8371-6275-ane.
  • Dodds, Graham Thousand. (2013). Accept Up Your Pen: Unilateral Presidential Directives in American Politics. Philadelphia: Academy of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN978-0-8122-0815-iii.
  • Foner, Eric (2002) [1988]. Reconstruction: America'due south Unfinished Revolution, 1863–1877. New York: Harper Perennial Mod Classics. ISBN978-0-06-093716-4.
  • Hoogenboom, Ari (1995). Rutherford Hayes: Warrior and President. Lawrence, Kansas: Academy Press of Kansas. ISBN978-0-7006-0641-ii.
  • Logan, Rayford W. The Betrayal of the Negro: From Rutherford B. Hayes to Woodrow Wilson (Collier Books, 1965).
  • Morris, Roy. Fraud of the century: Rutherford B. Hayes, Samuel Tilden, and the stolen election of 1876 ( New York: Simon & Schuster, 2003).
  • Oberholtzer, Ellis Paxson (1926). A History of the Us Since the Civil War: Volume three 1872-1878. pp. 69–122.
  • Oberholtzer, Ellis Paxson (1926). A History of the United States Since the Civil War: Volume 4 1878-1888. pp. one-45.
  • Reid, Whitelaw (1868). Ohio in the State of war: The history of her regiments, and other military organizations. Moore, Wilstach & Baldwin.
  • Rhodes, James Ford. History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850: 1877-1896 (1919) online consummate; pp 1-109; quondam, factual and heavily political, by winner of Pulitzer Prize
  • Richardson, Heather Cox (2001). The Expiry of Reconstruction. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard Academy Printing. ISBN978-0-674-00637-9.
  • Robinson, Lloyd (2001) [1968]. The Stolen Ballot: Hayes versus Tilden—1876. New York: Tom Doherty Associates. ISBN978-0-7653-0206-9.
  • Simpson, Brooks D. The Reconstruction Presidents (1998) pp 198-228 on Hayes.
  • Stowell, David O. (1999). Streets, Railroads, and the Great Strike of 1877. Chicago: University Of Chicago Press. ISBN978-0-226-77668-ii.
  • Trefousse, Hans L. (2002). Rutherford B. Hayes. New York: Times Books. ISBN978-0-8050-6907-v.
  • Unger, Irwin (2008) [1964]. The Greenback Era: A Social and Political History of American Finance, 1865–1879. New York: ACLS Humanities. ISBN978-one-59740-431-0.
  • White, Richard (2017). The Commonwealth for Which It Stands: The The states During Reconstruction and the Gilded Age: 1865–1896. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN9780190619060.
  • Williams, Charles Richard. Life of Rutherford Birchard Hayes (2 vol 1914); vol 1 to 1877 online; besides vol ii from 1877 online
  • Woodward, C. Vann. Reunion and Reaction: The Compromise of 1877 and the Finish of Reconstruction (1951).

Manufactures [edit]

  • Clendenen, Clarence (Oct 1969). "President Hayes' "Withdrawal of the Troops": An Indelible Myth". The South Carolina Historical Mag. seventy (4): 240–250 [244]. JSTOR 27566958.
  • De Santis, Vincent P. "President Hayes'south Southern Policy." Journal of Southern History 21.four (1955): 476-494. online
  • Deacon, Kristine. "On the Road with Rutherford B. Hayes: Oregon'south First Presidential Visit, 1880." Oregon Historical Quarterly 112.ii (2011): 170-193. online
  • Gallagher, Douglas Steven. "The 'smallest mistake': explaining the failures of the Hayes and Harrison presidencies." White Business firm Studies 2.four (2002): 395-414.
  • Klotsche, J. Martin (Dec 1935). "The Star Route Cases". The Mississippi Valley Historical Review. 22 (iii): 407–418. doi:ten.2307/1892626. JSTOR 1892626.
  • McPherson, James Thou. "Coercion or conciliation? abolitionists debate President Hayes's southern policy." New England Quarterly (1966): 474-497. online
  • Moore, Dorothy L. "William A. Howard and the Nomination of Rutherford B. Hayes for the Presidency." Vermont History 38#iv (1970) pp. 316–319. online
  • Paul, Ezra (Winter 1998). "Congressional Relations and Public Relations in the Administration of Rutherford B. Hayes (1877–81)". Presidential Studies Quarterly. 28 (1): 68–87. JSTOR 27551831.
  • Peskin, Allan. "Rutherford B. Hayes: the road to the white firm." in Edward O. Frantz, ed. A Companion to the Reconstruction Presidents 1865–1881 (2014): 403-414.
  • Polakoff, Keith Ian. "Rutherford B. Hayes" in Henry F. Graff. ed. The Presidents: A Reference History (3rd ed. 2002) pp 261–72 online
  • Skidmore, Max J. Maligned Presidents: The Late 19th Century (Palgrave Macmillan, 2014) pp. fifty–62.
  • Smith, Thomas A. (Fall 1980). "Earlier Hyde Park: The Rutherford B. Hayes Library" (PDF). The American Archivist. 43 (4): 485–488. [ permanent dead link ]
  • Sproat, John G. (1974). "Rutherford B. Hayes: 1877–1881". In C. Vann Woodward (ed.). Responses of the Presidents to Charges of Misconduct. New York: Delacorte Press. pp. 163–76. ISBN978-0-440-05923-3.
  • Stuart, Paul (September 1977). "United States Indian Policy: From the Dawes Human action to the American Indian Policy Review Committee". Social Service Review. 51 (iii): 451–463. doi:ten.1086/643524. JSTOR 30015511.
  • Swint, Henry 50. (June 1952). "Rutherford B. Hayes, Educator". The Mississippi Valley Historical Review. 39 (1): 45–sixty. doi:x.2307/1902843. JSTOR 1902843.
  • Thelen, David P. (Summer 1970). "Rutherford B. Hayes and the Reform Tradition in the Gilded Historic period". American Quarterly. 22 (ii): 150–165. doi:ten.2307/2711639. JSTOR 2711639.
  • Vazzano, Frank P. "Rutherford B. Hayes and the Politics of Discord." Historian 68.3 (2006): 519-540. online
  • Vazzano, Frank P. "President Hayes, Congress and the Appropriations Riders Vetoes." Congress & the Presidency: A Journal of Uppercase Studies xx#one (1993).

Master sources [edit]

  • Howells, William Dean. Sketch of the Life and Graphic symbol of Rutherford B. Hayes (Hurd and Houghton, 1876). past a famous novelist; online
  • Hayes, Rutherford B. (1924). Williams, Charles Richard (ed.). Diary and messages of Rutherford Birchard Hayes (iv vols.).

External links [edit]

  • White House biography
  • The Rutherford B. Hayes Presidential Center
  • Rutherford B. Hayes: A Resource Guide from the Library of Congress
  • All-encompassing essays on Rutherford B. Hayes and shorter essays on each fellow member of his cabinet and Beginning Lady from the Miller Center of Public Affairs
  • "Life Portrait of Rutherford B. Hayes", from C-SPAN'due south American Presidents: Life Portraits, July 19, 1999

What Was Rutherford B Hayes Position On Civil Service Reform,

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